In
medieval Europe, the writing of history began with church histories. After the
fifth century for nearly eight hundred years, the Christian writers dominated
the field of historiography. Christian or medieval European historiography has
been variedly called patristic, providential or salvation historiography.
The main characteristics of
Christian historiography in medieval period are:
1. Universal history: The Bible History
written on Christian principles is bound to be a universal history or a history
of the world, going back to the origin of man, the Book of Genesis. Historiographical
thinking was combined with the theological needs of history. The Bible gave a coherent
history in a historiographical frame of reference. The acceptance of Catholicism strengthened
this historical homogenization, for one of its core elements was its character
of being a universal religion. The
earliest Christian historical works were chronologies designed to link events
from scripture with political events, and to create a universal history of
humanity.
2.
Chronology-
History periodized: Having divided the past into two, Christian historiography
subdivided it again. Thus history was divided into epochs or periods; each with
a particular characteristics of its own, and each marked off from the one
before by an epoch-making event.
These
histories had a concept of time which was changeless because it was the divine
time. Gradually, however, there was a change in the concept of time. Influenced
by the pre-Christian tradition of history-writing, the historians began to
think of time in more temporal terms, as a measurable sequence. This change in
thinking made possible the use of chronology to write history. Contacts with
other regions such as the Byzantine and the Arab world brought different
influences from which also the medieval European historiography benefited.
This
fluid sense of chronological boundaries is also visible in the chronicles
of
the high Middle Ages. Here two chronological systems dominated: the incarnation
era
and
the registering of reigns and pontificates, and numerous chroniclers strove to
establish
a
factual as well as a narrative unity of these elements. This resulted in a
belief in the
natural
changeability and the ephemeral nature of history as such, because all earthly
things
were ruled by time. For the medieval chroniclers, historical change was
primarily a
cycle of growth and
decay of regents and kingdoms.
The
medieval concept of the past thus was determined by an extremely peculiar,
ambiguous,
even
paradoxical, mixture of belief in historical progression on the one hand and
its immutability on the other, of an epochal change and at the same time a
continuity of times and historical situations. In the final analysis, it lacked
a sense of the truly historical characterisation of the past. However, owing to
its emphasis on verifiability of the chronological arrangement, this
understanding cannot be classified as being truly timeless, but in various ways
it nevertheless lacked a sense of assigning a specific peculiarity to each
passing epoch. The past was perceived as a (temporal) development corresponding
to the saeculum, the earthly time, with an unchanging character and
essence. This engendered a widespread tendency to order historical events
according to their respective time which was in no way seen as contradictory to
the opposing tendency to detach the subject matter of the same events from
their chronological order.
Historiographical
thinking was combined with the theological needs of history
The
Bible in the middle ages was seen not simply as a literal description of the
unfolding of a Christian religion, but also as a chronicle of a succession of
spiritual parts. The diverse texts of the Christian tradition were unified in
the Bible, thus giving it a coherent history in a historiographical frame of
reference which was blended with a unified system of symbolisms, so uniting
history with tradition and representation. The acceptance of Catholicism
strengthened this historical homogenisation, for one of its core elements was
its character of being a universal religion which had little space for the
particularist rules, norms and values of specific groups. The earliest
Christian historical works were chronologies designed to link events from
scripture with political events, and to create a universal history of humanity.
Another
feature of medieval historical writing in Europe was that it seemed perennially
poised at the crossroads between eschatological aspirations of a universal
Christendom and the objective conditions of the real world.
In
this fashion, world history came to be established as a computable, finite, yet
unstable entity under the control of change in the historiographical traditions
of medieval Europe. But, this view of world history soon came under stress. Two
factors caused the stress: first, there was the manifestly continuous existence
of the world despite the eschatological belief that the predicted end of the
world was close; and second, there was the reception in the Occident, during
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, of the Aristotelian concept of time as an
endless process. The first factor was enhanced by the use of the AD chronology
itself, which helped to deal historiographically with the institutional
discontinuities of the Roman Empire. Hence it was ultimately in conflict with
the eschatological belief in the finiteness of the existence of the world as an
earthly city. The Aristotelian definition of time, came to be reintroduced in
the Occident through the Arab translations of Aristotle’s original works from
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. According to the Aristotelian concept,
time was regarded as the mover of all things, elevated above all other divine
creations. In consequence of the spread of this concept of time, it became
difficult to conceive existence without time, even beyond Judgement Day. In
other words, if time was prior to everything else, existence became
inconceivable outside of or beyond time and thinking about a world without
change became subject to fairy tales and mere speculation.
One
major problem with medieval European historical writing was its perception of
history
as
primarily as a chronological progression.. Historical changes were seen in
political rise
and
decline or in change of rulership, possibly complemented by spatial
displacement of
the
centres of power, and historical events were installed in their precise
temporal frame.
But
these changes were not estimated, interpreted, or explained according to their
respective
historical situations, as structural changes, changes in contemporary
attitudes,
or,
even in the historical conditions. Owing to a linear concept of time, the
authors
recognized
an irretrievability of history, but they did not acknowledge a thorough
alteration
through
the coming of new epochs. Therefore, they completely lacked any sense of
‘alternative
pasts’ or of the historical peculiarity of each epoch. The twelfth century, as
a
modern
historian has remarked, the twelfth century was not simply concerned with ‘the
pastness
of the past’ but with ‘its timeless edification’. The past and the present were
thus fused in one
continuous narrative.
The
tendency to link the present time with the period of the Roman Empire and to
emphasise a continuity indicates a characteristic feature of the concept (or
consciousness) of history in the high Middle Ages that seems to contradict the
tendency to determine and record precise historic dates. On the one hand, the
authors acknowledged and noted change and development, and they distinguished
between epochs or phases in history; on the other hand, their perceptions of
the events were imbued with an astounding sense of ‘timelessness’ that ignored
a real difference in the epochal character insofar as this went beyond the
political succession of power, reign, and kingdoms. On the contrary, it allowed
events that were long past to be applied directly to the present.
Characteristics
of Christian/western historiography in medieval period:
Ecclesiastical history
suffers from a series of defects from the beginning itself. First, it had
adopted the entire ancient pre-Christain and Jewish history without checking
its authenticity. Hence, it become very difficult to accept the persons and
events mentioned in the Gospel as historical personalities and events.
Secondly, Church history is closely related to revelation, but in history, it
is difficult to substantiate revelations. It is an accepted fact that knowledge
can be gained through observation, intuition and revelation, but knowledge
gained thorugh the last two methods cannot be called historical knowledge,
which should be such as to be reflected and revived in the historian’s mind.
Since this is not possible in the case of revelation it goes out of the purview
of history, however, powerful an instrument it might be for philosophy and
religion. Thirdly, church history made a very vicious distinction between
‘sacred’ and ‘profane’ history. Religious history was sacred to it and secular
history was profane. It developed such an antipathy and resentment for the
ordinary and worldly deed of men that it did not care to regard them as worthy
of our attention. Consequently, a good part of human activity, essentially the
substance of it, ws excluded fromt e domain of history. What remained was
speculative and hypothetical ideas that oculd hardly constitute history.
Fourthly, Church history built around itself a ring of false guardianship of
piety and authority, which defied all scrutiny and logic. It has ever been a
wealness of church history that it never subjected itself to a dispassionate
analysis either of its sources or of its interpretations. It is the solitary
branch of history that claims exception from critical investigation of
treatment.
Providential history:
Christian historiography ascribed events not to their human agents but to the
workings of providence, preordaining their course.
Apocalyptic history:
Christian historiography attached a central importance to the historical life
of Christ. It treated earlier events as leading up to it or preparing for it,
and subsequent events as developing its consequences. It therefore divided
history into two parts: the first part leading up to the birth of Christ has a
forward-looking character consisting in blind preparation for an event not yet
revealed; the second part has a backward-looking haracter depending on the fact
that the revelation has been made.
These
histories had a concept of time which was changeless because it was the divine
time. Gradually, however, there was a change in the concept of time. Influenced
by the pre-Christian tradition of history-writing, the historians began to
think of time in more temporal terms, as a measurable sequence. This change in
thinking made possible the use of chronology to write history. Contacts with
other regions such as the Byzantine and the Arab world brought different
influences from which also the medieval European historiography benefited.
Sheikh Ali’s :
Characteristics of church historiography:
2 chief
characteristics:
1)
First,
it developed a special technique to treat inspired and sacred writings. It was
concerned mostly with explaining the ways of God to man, and hence it was not
interested in secular matters.
2)
Secondly,
its approach was not objective but subjective. It was not based on reason but
on faith and belief. It obeyed not any law that could be explained by logic,
but a divine law which has a fixed course of action, and whose destiny is best
known only to God. Therefore, whenever an extraordinary or unusual situation
arose its explanation is sought in the Divine Will, and not on the basis of
cause and effect. Consequently, the church historiographers developed a method
of the own which interpreted situations in terms suitable for religious literature.
They adopted an indirect method of conveying their ideas and wrote in allegory
which bypassed critics,.
3)
Thirdly,
it is highly defective in chronology. According to Sextus Julius Africanus,
creation took place 5499 years before Christ. It divided the historical period
into five parts – 1) from Abraham to the Trojan War 2) from the Trojan war to
the first Olympiad 3) from the first Olympiad to the reign of Darius 4) from
the reign of Darius to the death of Christ and 5) from the death of Christ to
the reign of Constantine. Christian historiography achieved a certain unity
which was theological and gave a religious meaning to history.
4)
Fourthly,
the Christian Fathers developed a kind of history which was to vindicate the
charge that Christianity was responsible for the fall of Rome. This they had to
write in order to answer the charge of
the pagans who accused the Church of engineering the fall of the empire. The
vindicatin came in a forceful way from Paulus Orasius (AD 380-420), a Spaniard
who later became a disciple of St. Augustine. He wrote seven books of history
against the pagans, and argued that the ultimate destiny of all mankind,
whether pagan, Jew or Christain would depend on god.
5)
Fifthly,
Church historiography falls into two heads, religious and secular. Religious
history was based on the assumption that human history was guided by God, and
this history comprised mostly of miracles and saints. The other name for such a
religious history is patristic history. Secular history was known as pagan history,
which received greater attention in later years, although religious history
still maintained its ground. Until the Renaissance period, histories of both
these types were written side by side with no improvement. The defects of
patristic history persisted until the age of Enlightenment. But all history was
the monopoly of the monk, who wrote both secular and religious history.
6)
Sixthly,
in the period that followed the reign of Charlemagne a new type of historical
literature, namely Annals and Chronicles, came into existence. The
word Annals means annual information,
particularly astronomical records determining the exact date of the Easter
festival. This was no more than a kind of almanac table. This practice first
began in England and later spread to other parts of Europe. This Chronicle
which followed was concerned with the events of a place. Its object was not to
presents a piece of literary composition but to supply some information or
prove a particular point. Chronicles give full information on contemporary
happenings, but not on past events, and they are not very authentic or accurate
accounts if events but merely narrativs of the events that took place when the
author was alive. Of all the chronicles produced during the medieval period,
the Anglo-Saxon chronicle is the most famous.
7)
Finally,
with the fall of the Roman Empire, the historians gained a wider scope to
comment on the events. They raised their voice, while the empire was in the
process of decay, against administrative inefficiently, corruption, increasing
taxation, social derangement, economic strain, breakdown of law and order and
the barbarian invasions.
8)
Thus,
the historiography of the period was characterized by dogmatic interpretation,
a primitive and crude style and a highly colored and subjective approach. The
Churchmen and the monks alone were the custodians of history, and they
presented their own point of view. History was an instrument in their hand to
advance the interests of the Church, and to propagate the Christian faith by indicating
how nations had suffered by not observing the Divine Law. Since a body of
authentic record was not available, and since they did not bother to collect
material by personal exertion, they wrote wither on the basis of old traditions
and gospel stories or on contemporary events or on significant episodes such as
the Crusades. Reason which had played such a vital role during the Greco-Roman
period was pushed to the background and faith took its place. This did not in
any way help in the promotion of thought.
9)
Gibbon
went to the extent of saying the most powerful factor for the downfall of the
Roman empire was Christianity which restrained the free thought and checked
human liberty, as it was obligatory to obey not man-made laws but only the Divine Law, the custodian of which was
the church. Since the priests were the instruments to administer this law which
was supposed to be infallible, there was no scope for flexibility of the law,
and for the growth of the human mind. The historians became the key agents to
foster such thoughts as they had the power too substantiate the thesis with
reference to the events of the past. Consequently, the period has rightly
earned the title of the Dark Ages. Christians considered the affairs of history
as the expression of the Divine Will.
10)
In
short, the Christian conception of history matured in the writings of St.
Augustine. The City of God became manifest in the Church which warned against
sin, injustice, immorality and impropriety. For the Christians the fall of Rome
had no meaning because their real city was far away from it. St. Augustine
considered history as a linear movement consisting of eight stages, five of the
past, one that is present and two in the future when Christ will incarnate
himself to save humanity. The motive force of this movement id the will and
grace of God. The entire drama of history, moving from creation to dissolution
and the advent of Jesus is the manifestation of Divine Will. All things good or
bad form links of that long chain of Divine planning. Thus, the Christian
outlook on historical change is ‘charismatic, linear, universal and
impersonal.’
11) Since its main purpose was to build faith in
transcendental forces, it was far from rational or critical history, and a
number of weaknesses have been noted by scholars.
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